What was proposed in the kentucky and virginia resolutions




















That this Assembly doth explicitly and peremptorily declare, that it views the powers of the federal government, as resulting from the compact, to which the states are parties; as limited by the plain sense and intention of the instrument constituting the compact; as no further valid that they are authorized by the grants enumerated in that compact; and that in case of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise of other powers, not granted by the said compact, the states who are parties thereto, have the right, and are in duty bound, to interpose for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining within their respective limits, the authorities, rights and liberties appertaining to them.

That the General Assembly doth also express its deep regret, that a spirit has in sundry instances, been manifested by the federal government, to enlarge its powers by forced constructions of the constitutional charter which defines them; and that implications have appeared of a design to expound certain general phrases which having been copied from the very limited grant of power, in the former articles of confederation were the less liable to be misconstrued so as to destroy the meaning and effect, of the particular enumeration which necessarily explains and limits the general phrases; and so as to consolidate the states by degrees, into one sovereignty, the obvious tendency and inevitable consequence of which would be, to transform the present republican system of the United States, into an absolute, or at best a mixed monarchy.

That the good people of this commonwealth, having ever felt, and continuing to feel, the most sincere affection for their brethren of the other states; the truest anxiety for establishing and perpetuating the union of all; and the most scrupulous fidelity to that constitution, which is the pledge of mutual friendship, and the instrument of mutual happiness; the General Assembly doth solemenly appeal to the like dispositions of the other states, in confidence that they will concur with this commonwealth in declaring, as it does hereby declare, that the acts aforesaid, are unconstitutional; and that the necessary and proper measures will be taken by each, for co-operating with this state, in maintaining the Authorities, Rights, and Liberties, referred to the States respectively, or to the people.

That the Governor be desired, to transmit a copy of the foregoing Resolutions to the executive authority of each of the other states, with a request that the same may be communicated to the Legislature thereof; and that a copy be furnished to each of the Senators and Representatives representing this state in the Congress of the United States.

THE representatives of the good people of this commonwealth in general assembly convened, having maturely considered the answers of sundry states in the Union, to their resolutions passed at the last session, respecting certain unconstitutional laws of Congress, commonly called the alien and sedition laws, would be faithless indeed to themselves, and to those they represent, were they silently to acquiesce in principles and doctrines attempted to be maintained in all those answers, that of Virginia only excepted.

To again enter the field of argument, and attempt more fully or forcibly to expose the unconstitutionality of those obnoxious laws, would, it is apprehended be as unnecessary as unavailing.

We cannot however but lament, that in the discussion of those interesting subjects, by sundry of the legislatures of our sister states, unfounded suggestions, and uncandid insinuations, derogatory of the true character and principles of the good people of this commonwealth, have been substituted in place of fair reasoning and sound argument. Our opinions of those alarming measures of the general government, together with our reasons for those opinions, were detailed with decency and with temper, and submitted to the discussion and judgment of our fellow citizens throughout the Union.

Whether the decency and temper have been observed in the answers of most of those states who have denied or attempted to obviate the great truths contained in those resolutions, we have now only to submit to a candid world. Faithful to the true principles of the federal union, unconscious of any designs to disturb the harmony of that Union, and anxious only to escape the fangs of despotism, the good people of this commonwealth are regardless of censure or calumniation.

Least however the silence of this commonwealth should be construed into an acquiescence in the doctrines and principles advanced and attempted to be maintained by the said answers, or least those of our fellow citizens throughout the Union, who so widely differ from us on those important subjects, should be deluded by the expectation, that we shall be deterred from what we conceive our duty; or shrink from the principles contained in those resolutions: therefore.

Look for further sources in the Thomas Jefferson Portal. Transcription available at Founders Online. David B. Mattern, J. Stagg, Jeanne K. See, e. Gaillard Hunt New York: G. Rives, March 12, , in ibid. John Taylor was responsible for publicly naming the two authors.

Taylor referred to Madison's role in a letter to the Richmond Enquirer in In , he revealed both authors. Kentucky Resolutions of , December 3, The Alien Enemies Act, applicable only in wartime, remains in effect. The resolutions assert two key propositions. First, the Union is a compact among individual states that delegates specific powers to the federal government and reserves the rest for the states to exercise themselves. Second, it is both a right and a duty of individual states to interpose themselves between their citizens and the federal government.

The intent of the resolutions was to induce other state legislatures to pick up the critique and pass similar resolutions, thus acting as decentralized opposition to the Federalists.

Judged by this standard, they were a failure. No state responded with similar official denunciations, and the legislatures of ten states went as far as to officially repudiate the resolutions, most arguing that the federal courts, not state legislatures, were the legitimate interpreters of the federal Constitution.

Nevertheless, the resolutions did help the Democratic-Republicans develop as an organized oppositional party, and two years later Jefferson would eke out a victory in the presidential elections. Rather than asserting the principles of free speech and civil protections for aliens not charged with crimes, Jefferson and Madison argued that the power to pass such acts was not properly delegated to the national government by the states.

The tone and language of the resolutions are not that of a newspaper editorial meant to shape public opinion, but rather are constitutional treatises designed to elaborate on essential structures of government. From the context of the late s, they are best understood as an early episode of party politics in the United States and an attempt to gain electoral advantage. However, their dominant legacy is as an exemplification of the constitutional doctrine of nullification.

Calhoun argued in much the same manner as found in the resolutions that the states formed a compact with each other, delegating specific powers to the federal government and that, therefore, the states ultimately were the judges of the Constitution.

A senior statesman at the time, Madison fought back against the appropriation of the resolutions to the cause of nullification.

He argued that context was all-important and that the dangers of the Alien and Sedition Acts should not be compared to the inconveniences of a tariff. Madison also stressed the difference between a state legislature voicing an opinion and its making a self-executing decision.

The resolutions were not designed to disrupt the execution of federal law in the state but rather to declare the official opinion of the state and hopefully rally support of other states. While the states collectively might repulse the federal government, Madison did not believe that a single state had the authority to nullify federal law within its own borders. Backing away from the doctrinal wording of the resolutions, Madison argued that they were designed only to ferment popular opinion against the laws and lead to an electoral victory against the Federalists.



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